continued from Part I …

to frustrate them. I have not complained that the President revoked his orders nor that he deemed the meeting unnecessary, nor even that he should have directed that those who came at the invitation should have been told that unless they returned home in twenty-four hours they would be imprisoned. What the course of Mr. Lincoln would have been had his life been spared, is beyond our knowledge or our conjecture.

Mr. Stanton two years after the death of the President informs us that he did not know of any plan formed by the President. At the date of his death Mr. Stanton had advised there was no government in any of the eleven States; "that the troops of the States had been conquered, the authorities overthrown by the authority of the United States, and by the war, and that their exclusion should be placed on the ground that their overthrow by the United States had been established." Within the month after the death of Mr. Lincoln, orders were given to the military commanders that there would be no recognition of any civil officer in all of those States, and that the attempt of any one to exercise any civil function of their offices should be followed by his military arrest. For some six months the civil and social order in all of those States was subverted. Numerous arrests were made of civil officers of those States, who are reported in 1866, as prisoners of war. Mr. Stanton testifies of his own plan of reorganization. He favored a convention selected by the male population of lawful age, excluding all who had been disloyal. That is including the colored population and excluding a very large proportion of the whites.

This plan had been recently adopted by the reconstruction acts as they were interpreted. The States were then military departments, and dominated by Brigadier Generals, and designated by Arabic numerals. Under such rule the most dishonest, despicable and debased governments were established that ever existed on this continent. I am not prepared to admit that President Lincoln would have cooperated with the politicians or the party who brought such calamities on the country. My opinion is that his purposes were to deal frankly and faithfully in accordance with the declarations made by him at Richmond.

JOHN A. CAMPBELL

Baltimore, 1880.

 

APPENDIX.

RICHMOND, VA., 7th of April, 1865.

GENERAL JOSEPH R. ANDERSON AND OTHERS, COMMITTEE, &C.

Gentlemen:

I have had, since the evacuation of Richmond, two conversations with Mr. Lincoln, President of the United States. My object was to secure for the citizens of Richmond, and the inhabitants of the State of Virginia who had come under the military authority of the United States, as much gentleness and forbearance as could possibly be extended.

The conversations had relation to the establishment of a government for Virginia, the requirement of oaths of allegiance from the citizens, and the terms of settlement with the United States.

With the concurrence and sanction of General Weitzel, he assented to the application not to require oaths of allegiance from the citizens.

He stated, that he would send to General Weitzel his decision upon the question of a government for Virginia. This letter was received on Thursday, and was read by me. It authorized General Weitzel to grant a safe conduct to the Legislature of Virginia to meet at Richmond, to deliberate and to return to their homes at the end of their session. I am informed by General Weitzel that he will issue whatever orders that may be necessary, and will furnish all the facilities of transportation, &c., to the members of the Legislature to meet in this city, and that the Governor, Lieutenant Governor and public men of the State will be included in the order.

The object of the invitation is for the government of Virginia to determine whether they will administer the laws in connection with the authorities of the United States. I understand from Mr. Lincoln, if this condition be fulfilled that no attempt would be made to establish or sustain any other authority.

My conversation with President Lincoln upon the terms of a settlement, was answered in writing; that is, he left with me a written memorandum of the substance of his answer.

He stated as indispensable conditions of a settlement: the restoration of the authority of the United States over the whole of the State, and the cessation of hostilities by the disbanding of the army, and that there shall be no receding on the pat of the Executive from his position on the slavery question. The latter proposition was explained to mean that the Executive action on the subject of slavery, so far as it had been declared in messages, proclamations and other official acts, must pass for what they were worth; that he would not receded from his position. But that this would not debar action by other authorities of the government.

I suppose that if the proclamation of the President be valid as law, that it has already become operative and vested rights.

I believe that full confidence may be placed in General Weitzel's fulfillment of his promises to afford facilities to the Legislature, and that its members may return after they have concluded their business, without interruption.

Mr. Lincoln in his memorandum, referred to what would be his action under the confiscation acts. He stated that when the property had not been condemned and sold, that he would make a universal release of the forfeitures that had been incurred in any State which would not promptly recognize the authority of the United States, and withdraw its troops. But that if the war be persisted in that the confiscated property must be regarded as a resource from which the expenses of the war might be supported.

His memorandum contained no article upon the penalties imposed upon persons, but in his oral conversation, he intimated that there were scarcely any one who might not get a discharge for the asking.

I understand from the statement, though the words did not exactly imply it, that ta universal amnesty would be granted if peace were now declared.

In my intercourse I strongly urged the propriety of an armistice. This was done after the preparation of his memorandum. He agreed to consider the subject, but no answer had been received. I suppose that if he assents that the matter will be decided and executed between Generals Grant and Lee.

Very respectfully yours,

(Signed,) J. A. CAMPBELL.

 

TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA

The undersigned members of the Legislature of the State of Virginia in connection with a number of the citizens of the State whose names are attached to this paper, in view of the evacuation of Richmond by the Confederate government, and its occupation by the military authorities of the United States, the surrender of the army of Northern Virginia and the suspension of the jurisdiction of the civil power of the State, are of opinion that an immediate meeting of the General Assembly of the State is called for by the exigencies of the situation. The consent of the military authorities of the United States to the session of the Legislature in Richmond, in connection with the Governor and Lieutenant Governor, to their free deliberation upon public affairs, and to the ingress and departure of all its members under safe conduct has been obtained.

The United States authorities will afford transportation from any point under their control to any of the persons before mentioned. The matters to be submitted to the Legislatures are the restoration of peace to the State of Virginia, and the adjustment of questions involving life, liberty and property that have arisen in the States as a consequence of the war. We therefore, earnestly request the Governor, Lieutenant Governor and members of the Legislature, to repair to this city by the 25th of April, (instant.)

We understand that full protection to persons and property will be afforded in the State, and we recommend to peaceful citizens to remain at their homes and pursue their usual avocations, with the confidence that they will not be interrupted.

We earnestly solicit the attendance in Richmond on or before the 25th of April, (instant), of the following persons, citizens of Virginia, to confer with us as to the best means of restoring peace to the State of Virginia. We have procured safe conduct from the military authorities of the United States for them to enter the city and to depart without molestation:

Hon. R.M.T. Hunter, A.T. Carpentor, Wm. C. Rives, John Letcher, A.H.H. Stuart, R.L. Montague, Fayette McMullen, J.P. Holcombe, Alex. Rives, B.J. Barbour, Jas. Barbour, W.L. Goggins, J.B. Baldwin, T.S. Gholson, Walter Staples, S.D. Miller, T.J. Randolph, W.T. Early, R.A. Claybrook, Jno, C. Horner (?), Wm. Townes, T.H. Eppes, and those other persons for whom passports have been procured and especially forwarded that we consider it to be unnecessary to mention.

(Signed) J. MARSHALL, Senator from Fauquier.

J.A. NEESON, Senator from Maroin.

Jas. Venable, T.M. Dudley, W. Goddin,

D.J. Burr, L. Tazwell, P.G. Bayly,

D.J. Saunders, W.T. Joynes, T.J. Smith,

L.S. Hall, J.A. Meredith, F. Stearnes,

J.J. English, W.H. Lyons, John Lyon,

Wm. Ambers, Wm. C. Wickham, T.R. Fisher,

A.M. Keiley, B.S. Ewell, W.M. Harrison,

H.W. Thomas, Nat. Tyler, Cyrus Hall,

Lt. S.S. Moncure, R.F. Walker, F.W. Garnett,

Jos. Mayo, Jos. R. Anderson, Jas. A. Scott.

R. Howard, R.R. Howison,

I concur in the preceding recommendation,

J.A. CAMPBELL

Approved for publication in the Whig and in handbill form.

G. WEITZEL,

Major General Commanding,

RICHMOND, VA., April 11th, 1865.