A
NOTE ON THE "JOE COTTON STORY"
James
M. Buchanan
Of all the
stories that surround the Hughes appointment in February,
1930, perhaps none is so intriguing and undying as the
"Joseph Cotton Story."
The story
first appeared 1935 in a New Yorker article
by Henry Pringle, Chief Justice Taft's authorized biographer.
Pringle wrote:
"On
February 3rd, 1930, Chief Justice Taft shattered in
body and apprehensive that he could no longer carry
on the duties of the Court, submitted his resignation.
It had to be accepted. Mr. Hoover, according to the
best information, desired to promote Associate Justice
(Harlan Fiske) Stone, his close friend. He confided
this to the late Under Secretary of State Cotton, who
said that it was out of the question to pass over Mr.
Hughes. But Hughes, he added, would not accept. He was
earning enormous fees in private practice. Besides,
Charles E. Hughes, Jr., would have to resign as Solicitor
General if his father became Chief Justice. `Offer it
to Mr. Hughes,' suggested Cotton. `He'll decline and
then you can pick Justice Stone.' It was offered to
Hughes and he promptly accepted."1
While this
story "greatly disturbed" Hughes and caused
him to consider writing to ex-President Hoover about
the matter, he nevertheless "let it pass."2
Two years
later, the story again resurfaced, this time in Drew
Pearson and Robert S. Allen's The Nine Old Men.3
The publication of The Nine Old Men not only
caught Hughes' attention but Hoover's as well, prompting
the ex-President to write Hughes a denial.4 In the intervening
two years the story had been embellished. Instead of
Pringle's sparse account, the Pearson story contained
dialogue between Cotton and Hoover. It also contained
errors.
First, according
to the Pearson account, Cotton was called to the White
House "shortly after Chief Justice Taft died,"
which would have been after March 8th, 1930. The Pringle
story has Cotton arriving after Taft's resignation on
the 3rd of February. Secondly, in the Pringle story,
Cotton reminded the President of his obligation to Hughes,
whereas in the subsequent Pearson account, Hoover reminded
Cotton. The addition of dialogue may or may not be a
device by Pearson, but one wonders where he received
such descriptive information.5
The story
continued to make the rounds long after Stone and Hughes
had died (Cotton, the source of all this, died in early
1931). The story seems to have been retold to Alpheus
T. Mason as well as to Mrs. Harlan Fiske Stone in 1950.6
In 1949
the controversy again erupted upon the occasion of Merlo
Pusey's research into the incident. In an exchange of
letters with Pusey, William D. Mitchell, Hoover's Attorney
General at the time of the Hughes appointment, denied
the veracity of the Pringle and Pearson accounts.7
The debate
continued in 1956 with the publication of Dexter Perkins'
Charles Evans Hughes and American Democratic Statesmanship.8
Hoover sent Perkins a denial of the story sometime after
the review of the book appeared in the Saturday
Review of July 28, 1956.9 The Perkins book also
generated a twenty-page exchange between Supreme Court
Justice Felix Frankfurter and Merlo Pusey. Frankfurter
claimed that Cotton told him of the incident within
a day or two of its occurrence. Frankfurter found Mitchell's
denial of the story and the account given to him to
be not mutually exclusive. The question, Frankfurter
held, revolved around the telephone call. Frankfurter
insisted that the call took place on January 30th and
"the result of it [was] Hughes came down from New
York and had . . . breakfast" on the 31st.10
That Hughes
did have breakfast with Hoover is not denied by any
of the parties involved. "My guess," Frankfurter
continued, "is that Hughes did not accept unequivocally
over the phone but that the shrewd Cotton rightly inferred
that when he came down to see the President . . .
he would allow himself to be persuaded by the President
to accept."11
What Cotton
did not know was that Associate Justices Willis Van
Devanter and Pierce Butler, anxious to carry out the
dying Taft's wish for a particularly qualified replacement,
had arranged to meet with Hughes on the 28th of January.
Meeting at Hughes' New York City apartment, Van Devanter
and Butler approached Hughes with the nomination proposal.12
Ascertaining that he would accept if offered, they immediately
informed the President, through Attorney General Mitchell,
of Hughes' interest.13
Frankfurter
does shed new light on the subject. He claims that the
Hoover-Hughes conversation on the 30th did not amount
to an offer "and correspondingly there was nothing
said by Hughes at the other end that could be called
an acceptance."14 Frankfurter believed that the
conversation indicated to Cotton that Hughes would accept
the nomination if Hoover offered it to him. Frankfurter
pointedly avoids the story of the offer being made over
the phone on which Pringle and Pearson base their stories.
According,
therefore, to Frankfurter's account, Hoover did not
"make an offer" over the phone to Hughes on
the 30th, but merely invited him down to Washington
to discuss the nomination matter further. Thus, Hoover
would have been acting consistently with information
he received from those at the Van Devanter-Butler-Hughes
meeting of the 28th that, if offered, Hughes would accept.
Cotton, unaware that Hughes had already been approached
and had been given time to consider the appointment
offer and to consult with his son, was probably surprised
at Hughes' willingness--and seeming callousness--to
meet with the President to discuss the nomination. The
story repeated in the Pearson book which had the President
looking at Cotton "in astonishment" and saying
"Well, I'll be damned! Can you beat that? The old
codger never even thought of his son" is apocryphal.15
Frankfurter never defended it. "The central issue,"
Frankfurter wrote, "[was] whether Cotton had such
a talk with President Hoover"--not over an offer.16
Notes
1 H.F. Pringle,
"Profiles," The New Yorker, July
13, 1935, p. 19.
2 Charles
Evans Hughes to Herbert Hoover, 2-20-37, Post-Presidential-Individual,
Box 370, Herbert Hoover Presidential Library, West Branch,
Iowa.
3 Pearson
and Allen, The Nine Old Men, (New York, 1936).
4 Hoover
to Charles Evans Hughes, 1-19-37, Post-Presidential-Individual,
Box 370, Herbert Hoover Presidential Library, West Branch,
Iowa.
5 Pearson
and Allen, The Nine Old Men, p. 74.
6 Alpheus
T. Mason, Harlan Fiske Stone: Pillar of the Law
(New York, 1956), pp. 835-836, f.n. 46.
7 Merlo
Pusey to William D. Mitchell, 10-20-49; Mitchell to
Hoover, 10-21-49; Hoover to Mitchell, 10-25-49; Mitchell
to Pusey, 11-7-49; and Pusey to Mitchell, 11-12-49,
William DeWitt Mitchell Papers, Box 7 .M682a and Box:
Hoover, Spencer and Sullivan Correspondence, Minnesota
Historical Society, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
8 Dexter
Perkins, Charles Evans Hughes and American Democratic
Statesmanship (New York, 1956).
9 Hoover
to Dexter Perkins (ca. August, 1956) Post-Presidential-Secretary,
Box 188, Herbert Hoover Presidential Library, West Branch,
Iowa.
10 Felix
Frankfurter to Merlo Pusey, 11-14-56, Felix Frankfurter
Papers, Box 147, Library of Congress.
11 Felix
Frankfurter to Merlo Pursey, 11-27-56, Ibid.
In Hoover's personal engagement calendar he noted that
he saw Cotton on January 11th and 14th and on February
3rd. For the famous telephone conversation to have taken
place, Cotton had to be at the President's office on
January 30th. It must be noted, however, that the President's
engagement calendar has numerous gaps between appointments,
so it cannot be held as conclusive evidence that Cotton
did not visit with the President on that day.
President's Personal File, Box 167, Herbert Hoover Presidential
Library, West Branch, Iowa.
12 Merlo
Pusey, Charles Evans Hughes (New York, 1951),
Vol. II, p. 651. See also: Beerits Memorandum, 1-28-30,
Charles Evans Hughes Papers, Box 80, Library of Congress.
13 William
D. Mitchell to Merlo Pusey, 11-7-49. Quoted in Pusey,
Charles Evans Hughes, p. 651.
14 Frankfurter
to Pusey, 12-20-56, Frankfurter Papers, Box 147, Library
of Congress.
15 Pearson
and Allen, The Nine Old Men, pp. 74-75.
16 Frankfurter
to Pusey, 12-10-56, Frankfurter Papers, Box 147, Library
of Congress.
Copyright 1981 by the Supreme Court Historical Society